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Fascism or Freedom?

In the 1980s, various attempts were made by political opponents to expel nationalist students from Britain's colleges and universities.

One of the most celebrated cases involved the then National Front (NF) activist and leader Pat Harrington. Pat is now one of the leaders of the nationalist trade union Solidarity, which works closely with Civil Liberty in cases involving political freedom and civil rights today.

At the time, a noisy far-left inspired campaign was mounted to bar Pat from classes at a London Polytechnic. After various court hearings and injunctions against the instigators of the witch hunt against him, Pat firmly established his right to attend classes and eventually finished his chosen degree.

Coincidentally, another case during the late eighties involved Civil Liberty's very own director, Kevin Scott. He was also hounded by the far-left and some Labour party supporters at Newcastle University when he enrolled on a Politics and History degree course in 1988.

Despite talk and bluster by political opponents about boycotting classes and expelling him from the student union, the campaign against Kevin eventually petered out after it was made plain to Tim Farron, the then President of Newcastle University's Student Union (and now a Liberal Democrat MP in Cumbria) that any attempt to force Kevin from the student union would be met by legal action against officers of the union. It was also made plain by the University itself that no support would be forthcoming for either a boycott or expulsion, either from the student union or university itself, since it would be a breach of the law.

The grand building that is home to Newcastle Students' Union

Kevin managed to complete his degree and graduated with First Class honours in 1991.

Thankfully, it seems the example set by Pat Harrington loomed large over this later struggle at Newcastle University and despite some unpleasant moments involving threats and provocations by so-called 'anti-fascist' activists, Kevin also established his right to attend university.

Nowadays, political persecution is very rare at Britain's universities and tends to involve outspoken, politically incorrect, members of staff rather than students. However, as recent events at Durham University show, opponents of freedom of speech can still make things difficult for outside speakers, as they have done since the 1960s and the rise of the violent far-left on Britain's student campuses. In Durham's case, it was the Yorkshire and Humberside British National Party MEP, Andrew Brons, who was banned from speaking at a debate at the university on the issue of multiculturalism. Durham University's Student Union later voted to leave the National Union of Students rather than abide by its 'no platform' policy and the intimidation by the far-left that follows it.

However, during Kevin Scott's struggle to stay at Newcastle University, a supportive article was published in an independent student newspaper at Liverpool University, called the 'Gazette', by a friend of Kevin's from his time at college in Sunderland, John Cahill, who was a former editor of the student newspaper and an active student member of the Liberal Democrats at the time.

Tragically, after graduating from Liverpool University and finding a job with the Plain English Society, John was killed in a car crash a few years later.

We republish the following article as a tribute to John and his staunch support for freedom of speech at Britain's universities and colleges during difficult times.

Fascism or Freedom?

Published 9th November 1989 Liverpool University Students Independent Newspaper - Gazette

Rational argument not left-wing thuggery must be used to halt the march of the far-right, argues former Gazette editor, John Cahill

Student politics have always verged on the ridiculous, but at present they pose a serious threat to freedom of speech and thought; increasing incidents of 'Red Fascism' are matched only by the lack of perspective in respect of supposed political threats. A sober look at recent events at our own and Newcastle University, and the authoritarian 'No Platform' policy of the National Union of Students (NUS), reveals a growing feeling of hysteria.

There is a serious need for redress.

I have recently been following the progress of attempts by Newcastle University to expose one of its members as a 'Nazi' and expel him from their Union. My investiagtions serve to spotlight the paranoia that seems to grip Student Unions confronted by the far right. "Kevin Scott, the British National Party organiser for North East England must have been hoping to slip silently into Newcastle University as a politics and history student." (quote from the February '89 issue of 'On Guard': Student and Youth Anti-Fascist Broadsheet).

Indeed he was; when I interviewed Mr Scott he told me he had entered the University intending to keep a low political profile and concentrate on his degree. Unbeknown to Kevin however, Tyne and Wear Anti-Fascist Association (TWAFA) notified the student anti-fascist society, resulting in an emergency committee meeting to decide what action to take. "Feelings were running high and the possibility of an immediate picket seemed inevitable. The students were in uproar; would he set up a fascist society? Would foreign students be at greater risk of being attacked?" (On Guard, February '89)

Interest and support in the 'fight' against Mr Scott mushroomed. At the anti-fascist's third meeting, attended by over 150 people, Ray Hill spoke on the menace of fascism in Britain (Ray Hill was a member of the National Socialist Movement in the 1960s; he returned from South Africa in the late 1970s and the anti-fascist journal Searchlight managed to 'turn' him. He acted as a mole inside the British Movement and later, in the 1980s, performed the same function in the British National Party). In the student bar following the anti-fascist rally, Mr Scott asked Mr Hill what royalties he was receiving for his book 'The Other Face of Terror' and questioned him about a case of alleged blackmail in which he had been involved. He received a punch by way of reply. Yet Mr Scott was treated as the guilty party, resulting in his expulsion from the Union for a period of eight weeks. At the appeal hearing he produced a publication in which Ray Hill boasted about punching Kevin; only then was he believed and his punishment suspended.

Mr Scott claimed in a local newspaper at the time, "I am being victimised by a small unrepresentative minority within the University. More dissent was allowed in fascist Italy under Mussolini than there is in Newcastle Student Union" (Sunday Sun, December 11, 1988).

Civil Liberty Director, Kevin Scott

There followed, at an emergency general meeting in the wake of his suspension, the passing of a motion calling for changes to the Student Union constitution and the expulsion of any member of a "fascist" or "racist" organisation from the Union. It took the anti-fascists a full academic year to push the new chapter to the constitution through, though the University trustees rejected it on the grounds that it was open to challenge under the Education (No. 2) Act 1986; this requires, under section 43, that Vice-Chancellors are bound to ensure free speech on their campuses. It was admitted to The Times newspaper that the thwarted move had been a thinly veiled attempt to ban Kevin Scott. A vindictive and illiberal exercise.

What of our own University's attitude to freedom of speech? In an institute of higher learning, in the words of Sam Kiley "a complete range of philosophies and ideologies should be canvassed. How else will one be able to expose logical inconsistencies, or turpitude, or both?" (Times Student Special, Autumn 1989). Yet the Vice Chancellor withdrew permission for South African diplomats to speak here at the invitation of Liverpool University Conservative Association. The excuse given was potential disorder. Put simply, the Vice Chancellor cowed to left wing thugs whom the police could have dealt with.

The "... authoritarian blanket ban on views that activists find unacceptable - itself an act of fascism" (Sam Kiley, again Times Student Special, Autumn 1989) is nowhere more evident than in the NUS 'no platform' policy which extends to student publications and the use of facilities within Student Union control. The attempt at Newcastle to ban Kevin Scott was aided by NUS lawyers and highlights the extent of the malaise.

What is increasingly obvious, is the need to put the fascist threat in perspective: to aid us in this endeavour we could do worse than look at the facts. At its peak the National Front could count on an active membership of between 20,000 and 50,000. Electoral support for the National Front has been greater in local rather than general elections, and the available evidence points to it being a protest vote against immigration rather than a positive response to fascist ideology. Only two local councillors were ever elected as representatives of the racist right, both in Blackburn. Only in one parliamentary by-election has any National Front candidate ever retained his deposit (West Bromwich, 1973). In 1983 the average vote in the 58 seats fought was 1.1 per cent. At no stage has the racist right posed a credible political threat.

What we are witnessing in our universities and polytechnics is an hysterical response to a spurious threat. Free and rational debate is being smothered by interfering busy-bodies who claim to be fighting oppression. Perhaps those that seek to ban the expression of views they do not agree with should consider for a moment how offensive some of the views which are allowed to pass uncensored are to the majority. Daubed on the walls of every Student Union in the country one may find incitements to class hatred, calls for abortion on demand, invitations to support terrorists and so on.

Rather than leave the views of the BNP unexpressed and festering in the minds of those who might be disposed to believe them, the Kevin Scott's of this world should be allowed to air their views so that they may be demolished by rational argument.